UGC rules protests and the myth of “misuse”, Kerala SNDP-NSS breakup | South Central Episode 60

Hosts discuss the new UGC equity regulations and the protests around them. Then they look at the fast-paced political negotiations and developments in Kerala, headed for Assembly polls soon.

Published on:

30 Jan 2026, 5:19 pm

In this episode of South Central, hosts Dhanya Rajendran and Pooja Prasanna first discuss the new UGC equity regulations and the protests around them. They are joined by TNM’s Executive Editor Sudipto Mondal and rights lawyer Mridula Vanangamudi.

Dhanya starts the discussion by citing the protests, which bring up a history of misuse of the SC/ST Act and the Supreme Court stay on the matter.

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“When you are assuming that an entire class of people will file false cases, that in itself is discrimination. If we go by the argument that the law is being misused by looking at low conviction rates, then by that logic, any law can be misused. Most special Acts, like the UAPA, have low convictions. But the UGC regulations need revision. There is no explicit prohibitory clause against caste discrimination, and that has to be put in,” Mrudula says.

Pooja notes that this kind of argument is heard in most contexts. “If these regulations are not put in place in educational institutions, how will we make the problem any better?”

“This misuse argument is a kind of denialism. The emergence of the SC/ST categories as separately protected started in 1919 when Ambedkar raised it. He spoke about dignity, human rights, and existence for the marginalized caste, which should be considered when we imagine a post-colonial India. The basis is that the SC/ST are separately marginalised by all communities and all imaginations. So this warrants special protections. And even now, segregation exists in people’s minds, though it may have slightly disintegrated spatially. The fascist ambition is entrapped by the Constitution, and we need to address that,” says Sudipto.

“Misuse is one thing, but where does this anxiety come from? Many in general categories say they will be unnecessarily sent to jail if there are complaints. The maximum could be an apology. But there is also not much clarity about where this process is headed,” Mrudula says.

Pooja asks if the anxiety is of power breaking up.

“At a time when we are talking about Dalits, to say everyone’s rights matter is malicious. Some of the people who are pushing back are perhaps not casteist, but people who are not informed about the depth of this problem. The SC/ST being liberated will eventually lead to the most oppressed also being liberated,” Sudipto explains.

The show then turns its attention to the fast-paced political negotiations and developments in Kerala, headed for Assembly polls soon. The hosts are joined by Damodar Prasad, a senior political analyst based in Kerala.

Dhanya starts the discussion by asking about the SNDP-NSS back and forth about coming together.

Damodar Prasad says that one reason for the two groups coming together could be their opposition to Opposition Leader VD Satheeshan.

Natesan was later conferred a Padma Bhushan, and NSS decided to withdraw from the alliance, citing that Natesan’s son Thushar is the NDA convenor in the state.

Dhanya asks whether the NSS is really in opposition to the BJP gaining power in the state.

Damodar says this could be one of the reasons. “But NSS resists the BJP for a few reasons. One being that the BJP may take control of the NSS since many people from the Nair community are joining the BJP. Sukumaran Nair has certain interests with the Congress party as well. He has a warm relationship with several leaders except Satheeshan. NSS might want to go with the Congress rather than the BJP because the NSS also does not have an outside Kerala interest. Another factor is also Sukumaran Nair’s agenda against reservations. But he has not been as communal as Natesan in his public speeches, so far,” he explains.

Pooja asks about Islamophobia being a common factor bringing NSS and SNDP together. “Is a reverse consolidation possible? What is the equation going to look like?” she asks.

“We should understand that post Babri Masjid, Muslim politics has changed. Several communities within the religion have come together, especially after the CAA-NRC, to protect their collective religious identity. CPI(M) also wants to exploit this by embracing several issues, like pro-Palestine protests, etc. Since IUML is a major ally of the UDF, there is always a chance of Muslim votes consolidating towards the League. It cannot be called a reverse consolidation, but there is a certain consolidation,” Damodar says.

Dhanya asks if caste groups are relevant anymore.

“Community organisations are now entrepreneurial organisations running community schools and colleges. SNDP and NSS were basically Renaissance groups, and their original projects have been exhausted. The leaders they have today have other interests. Today, the Nair community is not a homogeneous group, and the same goes with SNDP and Ezhavas. Whenever they have vouched for a community candidate, they have lost elections. And those who have opposed them have won, like VS Achuthanandan, who has consistently criticised Natesan. Maybe in the southern parts of Kerala, some community hold is seen to be there on votes,” Damodar explains.

He also adds that the CPI(M)’s endorsement of Natesan’s statements is going to create bigger problems for the state.

All this and more.

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Audio Timecodes

00:02:47: Headlines

00:09:36 - UGC Rules

00:50:37 - Kerala Politics

1:20:52 - Recommendations

References

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