Palakkad this election season belongs, at first glance, to Sobha Surendran. The BJP's most recognisable vote-catcher in Kerala has plastered the constituency with her face — posters at every junction, banners above every main road. Her rivals are harder to find. Congress has sent in Ramesh Pisharody, a comedian-turned-actor whose face is familiar to every Malayalam film fan. The LDF's independent, NMR Rasaq, is better known for his biryani restaurant chain than for politics.
When TNM visited the constituency on March 22, this uneven visibility was hard to ignore. Campaigns may have since picked up pace, but at that point, the gap suggested a race where some candidates were still catching up, and the early momentum was already shaping perception.
Palakkad, however, is not a constituency that reveals itself easily. Beneath the posters and flex boards lies a far more complicated contest, shaped by the absence of familiar leaders, uneasy candidate choices, internal party tensions, enduring loyalties, and a voter base that is both committed and quietly disillusioned. While the BJP appears to have seized early visibility, the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) continues to rely on its entrenched base, and the LDF is betting on a candidate who breaks from convention.
Much of this election is being fought in the shadow of absence. Congress’ Shafi Parambil, who built a strong personal base in Palakkad, is no longer in the fray, having moved to contest the Vadakara Lok Sabha seat. Rahul Mamkootathil, who won the subsequent bypoll, is also out, expelled from the party following sexual assault allegations.
Yet, on the ground, neither absence feels complete. In Pirayiri panchayat, a Congress stronghold, loyalty to both leaders remains strikingly intact. As Rajan, a farmer and daily-wage worker, put it bluntly, “It doesn’t matter who the candidate is. We vote for the party.”
A Congress supporter for over a decade, Rajan dismissed concerns about Pisharody’s lack of political experience. He also says the allegations against Rahul have not dented local support. Rajan, in fact, had even campaigned for Rahul during the bypoll.
Pointing to a nearby school building, Radhakrishnan, a driver, said it was renovated during Rahul’s tenure. He also credits him with facilitating the construction of five to eight houses for families in need. “Whatever he could do in one-and-a-half years, he did,” Rajan added.
Sreenivasan, another driver from the adjacent Yakkara panchayat, reiterated this sentiment. “Rahul still has popular appeal,” he said, adding that the contest would have been tighter had he entered as an independent. Both Rajan and Radhakrishnan believe that Rahul re-entering the fray would have significantly strengthened the UDF’s prospects.
Among younger voters, political preferences appear less rigid. Shabu, a Gulf-returned youngster who says he is not deeply engaged in politics, believes Pisharody should win — not because of party loyalty, but because “he is a good person”.
Even within UDF strongholds, however, there are signs of frustration.
Malini (name changed), a vegetable shop worker in Pirayiri, says her support is for Sobha Surendran, whom she refers to as “Sobha chechi”. Her reasoning is more transactional than ideological. “Isn’t that where the money is coming from?” she asked, referring to the BJP-led Union government. “If we want those benefits to reach us properly here, BJP should come.”
At the same time, she was candid about her disappointment with the UDF. She recalled that party leaders had promised to help her secure a house during the last election, but never returned. “The next time I see them is now, when the next campaign has started,” she said, half in jest.
Ultimately, her expectations are modest. “Whoever wins, they should do something for us. UDF has been winning here all this time, but they haven’t really looked back at people like us.”
If voters are weighing their options, so too are political observers, many of whom remain puzzled by how this contest has been shaped. Both the UDF and the LDF have faced criticism for fielding candidates without deep political experience against a seasoned campaigner like Sobha Surendran.
The CPI(M)’s last-minute decision to field Rasaq, a businessman, raised eyebrows. Congress leaders alleged it was a “deal” intended to help the BJP.
Within the LDF, however, the explanation is more pragmatic. “No one was willing to contest from Palakkad,” a party source said, pointing to the cost and uncertainty of fighting in a difficult constituency. “It would cost at least Rs 50 lakh. Not many were ready for that.”
There were also murmurs that the seat had effectively been “paid for” — an allegation that remains unverified but widely discussed.
The UDF, too, faced its own confusion. Finding a replacement for Shafi Parambil, and navigating Rahul’s exit, led to delays and uncertainty before settling on Pisharody.
On the ground, these delays translated into a visible gap. As of March 22, several voters pointed out that Sobha Surendran was the only candidate who appeared fully active across the constituency.
“BJP is one step ahead,” said Babu (name changed), who works at a local stationery shop in Pirayiri. “They have already covered the constituency once. The others are only just catching up.” Krishnaprasad (name changed), who owns an adjacent textile shop, concurred. “She is the only one who has really done the groundwork so far,” he said.
Yet, that early visibility has not translated into a clear wave. “There is significant factionalism within the BJP here,” said Ravi Kumar, another voter from Pirayiri, pointing to internal divisions and the limited presence of certain local leaders in Sobha’s campaign.
Others cautioned against overstating Sobha’s individual appeal. Anoop, a Congress supporter, pointed out that the BJP’s vote share in Palakkad has risen in the past under multiple candidates, not just Sobha.
Vishnu, another voter, framed the math more cautiously. “Rahul had a majority of around 18,000. Even if 10,000 votes shift to Sobha, Pisharody still has a chance,” he speculated.
In her interaction with TNM, Sobha framed the election as centred around development, and questioned the Congress’ choice of candidate. “For 47 years, this constituency was represented by Congress. If BJP is talking about development now, why didn’t they field an experienced political leader?” she asked.
She was particularly critical of the decision to field a “celebrity candidate,” arguing that Palakkad needs someone who can deliver within the Assembly, not just campaign outside it.
Her campaign, notably, also leaned on the idea of a “double engine government,” arguing that Union schemes are not being effectively implemented in Kerala. “It is not that funds are not being given, it is that what is given is not being taken,” she said, echoing a broader BJP line against the state government.
At the same time, Sobha appeared careful in how she positioned herself, particularly on questions of identity and inclusion. When asked about remarks by NDA candidate Gopalakrishnan in nearby Guruvayur, who controversially said the temple town should have a “Hindu MLA,” she avoided taking a clear stance. Saying she had not heard the comments as she was busy campaigning, she added that she would respond only after reviewing them.
Instead, she pivoted to emphasising the BJP’s inclusivity, listing Muslim leaders within the party and asserting that “any Muslim who joins this party has a place and recognition.”
Across Palakkad, political loyalties are sharply localised. The municipality is widely seen as BJP-leaning. The Mathur panchayat is described as evenly split between the CPI(M) and Congress. Kannadi, residents say, gives a slight edge to the Left, though Congress is “right behind.” Pirayiri remains firmly UDF territory.
But even within these patterns, personal influence matters.
Krishnaprasad pointed out that Shafi Parambil’s absence has altered the equation. “He used to pull votes even from the Left,” he said. There is also speculation that Rasaq’s candidature could split Muslim votes. “We’ll have to wait and see,” he added.
Some, like Krishnaprasad, go further, suggesting a possible tacit understanding between parties, pointing to Rasaq’s perceived proximity to Shafi. “People here talk about it,” he added, though he acknowledged there is no clear evidence.
For the CPI(M), this election is also an experiment. We met K Binumol, CPI(M) leader and former Palakkad district panchayat president, in Kannadi, where party workers had gathered for a booth committee inauguration. “We are contesting to win,” she said. “Palakkad is a society that is waiting for a secular atmosphere.”
Defending the choice of Rasaq, she described him as a “people’s person” with strong connections across the business and trading sector. When asked about his lack of a traditional political background, she dismissed the concern. “If you listen to him, you will understand his political clarity.”
She points to a moment earlier in the day, when another journalist had asked Rasaq whether he was being seen through the lens of his Ravuthar biryani business, an apparent reference loaded with community identity. His response, she said, was telling. Rasaq refused that framing, instead positioning himself as part of the Left, representing a land that “upholds secular values” and rejecting any “us versus them” narrative.
“That was spontaneous. Nobody had to teach him that,” she quipped. She also acknowledged that explaining the front’s candidate selection requires work, especially among women voters. “But once we clarify to them why we made the choice we did, they very quickly understand.”
On the BJP, Binumol recalled the party’s earlier attempt to break through in Palakkad when E Sreedharan contested. “There were huge expectations then. They thought they could consolidate upper and middle-class votes. But it didn’t work,” she said.
Would Congress’ “celebrity candidate” make a difference? Binumol is sceptical. “I don’t see people being very drawn to that,” she said, noting that figures like Shafi and Rahul already carried a certain celebrity status locally. “I don’t think this brings something entirely new.”
When NMR Rasaq arrived at the venue, he was greeted warmly and moved easily among party workers. Speaking briefly to TNM, he addressed questions about his political background.
“I may not have been a full-time politician, but I have always had a political perspective,” he said. “My livelihood may have been elsewhere, but I have a vision for Palakkad’s development and for public life.”
He said the response so far has been encouraging. “Wherever I go, people feel like they are getting their own MLA.”
In the last local self-government elections held in December 2025, the UDF emerged as the leading force in Palakkad with around 35.3% of the vote, followed by the LDF at roughly 30.9%, while the NDA secured about 27%. The segment-wise results reflected a fragmented mandate: the UDF held an edge in Pirayiri and remained competitive in Palakkad, the LDF performed strongly in Kannadi and Mathur, and the NDA’s strength was concentrated largely only in the Palakkad municipality.