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Vijay’s stunning political rise from Tamil cinema superstar to Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu has triggered a new question across the border in Kerala: what happens if Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) decides to enter Kerala politics?
For decades, Kerala’s political landscape has been dominated by the Left Democratic Front (LDF) and the United Democratic Front (UDF), with electoral contests largely revolving around the two alliances. While the BJP has attempted to establish itself as a significant force, it has struggled to break the state’s bipolar political structure. The emergence of TVK in Kerala could potentially create a new variable in an otherwise predictable political equation.
The speculation is not entirely without basis. Kerala has long been Vijay’s strongest market outside Tamil Nadu. Over the past two decades, the actor has built a loyal following that extends far beyond cinema halls.
According to Suresh Shenoy, veteran cinema exhibitor and executive committee member of FEUOK, Vijay has remained one of Kerala’s biggest box-office attractions for nearly a decade.
“Vijay has been number one at the Kerala box office for almost 10 years now,” Shenoy said.
Even films that underperformed elsewhere managed strong collections in Kerala, while blockbusters such as Leo generated fan celebrations, advance bookings and opening-day revenues comparable to those of leading Malayalam stars.
Unlike many Tamil actors whose popularity in Kerala fluctuated over the years, Vijay consistently built a dedicated audience through films such as Ghilli, Pokkiri, Thuppakki, Mersal and Leo. Industry observers often describe Kerala as Tamil cinema’s most important market outside Tamil Nadu, and Vijay has been among its biggest beneficiaries.
And, Vijay’s influence in Kerala is not limited to cinema.
Long before he entered politics, his fan organisations had evolved into welfare networks spread across districts such as Thiruvananthapuram, Ernakulam, Palakkad and Kannur. These groups organise blood donation camps, educational assistance programmes, food distribution drives and support initiatives for people with disabilities.
Soumya, a member of the Vijay Fans Association in Thiruvananthapuram, said welfare activities have been an integral part of the organisation for years.
“It was there from the beginning of the Vijay Fans Association itself. When it became Vijay Makkal Iyakkam, the welfare activities became stronger,” she said.
According to Soumya, members regularly organise blood donation camps, distribute educational materials, provide meals to homeless people and extend support through wheelchairs, sewing machines and other forms of assistance. These programmes are funded largely through contributions from members themselves.
Political analysts often point out that successful regional movements require grassroots networks before they can transform into electoral organisations. In Vijay’s case, supporters argue that such a network already exists in Kerala, however in a non-political form.
The discussion gained momentum after TVK’s historic performance in the 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly election, where the party emerged as the single-largest force with 108 seats, ending the decades-long dominance of the DMK-AIADMK binary. Vijay was subsequently sworn in as Chief Minister after securing support from allies.
At present, TVK has no formal organisational structure in Kerala. However, fan club members say conversations about expansion have intensified since the Tamil Nadu election.
Soumya said representatives from Kerala had met TVK leaders in Chennai and were told that any expansion into the state would take time.
Yet supporters remain optimistic. “Of course, we will support TVK in Kerala,” she said.
If TVK were to enter Kerala politics, its immediate impact may not necessarily be measured in seats won. The more significant question is whose vote base it could influence.
Vijay enjoys considerable popularity among younger voters, first-time voters and sections of the politically unaffiliated electorate. A TVK entry could potentially attract portions of this demographic, particularly in urban centres where fan clubs are active. It could also draw support from voters dissatisfied with both the LDF and UDF, creating a space for an alternative regional force.
At the same time, converting cinema fandom into political support would be a formidable challenge. Kerala’s electorate is known for its high political awareness, strong party loyalties and issue-based voting patterns. Unlike Tamil Nadu, where cinema and politics have historically shared a close relationship, Kerala has rarely witnessed film stars successfully translating popularity into sustained political influence.
TVK would also need to develop local leadership, formulate Kerala-specific policies and build an organisational structure capable of competing with the well-entrenched machinery of the LDF and UDF.
For now, Vijay remains a Tamil Nadu political leader. But his electoral success has transformed how Kerala’s fan clubs view their role. What began as a network built around movie releases and welfare activities is increasingly being seen by supporters as a potential political foundation.
Whether that foundation can evolve into a credible political movement remains uncertain. But if TVK eventually enters Kerala, it could introduce a new dynamic into a political system that has been dominated by two fronts for nearly half a century.
This article was written by a student interning with TNM.