The 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly election results have triggered intense discussions on the reasons for the DMK’s defeat and the TVK’s rapid rise. While anti-incumbency, governance concerns, and political strategy have all been debated, the continued violence against Dalits and growing dissatisfaction over the state’s response to caste atrocities also deserve serious attention.
The DMK has long projected Tamil Nadu as a model of social justice governance. However, data from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) and the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) presents a troubling reality.
An in-depth perusal of the data reveals a 67% increase in atrocities against Dalits and Adivasis.
The contradiction between the language of social justice and the lived realities of caste violence raises difficult questions about how Tamil Nadu’s political parties understand and implement social justice.
What the data shows
An NCDHR report titled Five Years of Caste-Based Atrocity: An Analysis of Crime Against Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes 2019-2023 points to an increase in atrocity cases in Tamil Nadu and at an all-India level.
Tamil Nadu recorded a 67.9% increase — the highest in the country — followed by Madhya Pradesh (55.3%) and Odisha (42.9%).
NCRB’s Crime in India 2023 further highlights alarming trends. Murders of Dalits increased by 40.4% (from 52 cases in 2019 to 73 in 2023). Grievous hurt cases rose by 240% (from 5 to 17). Criminal intimidation surged by 584.8% (from 46 to 315)
These statistical figures reflect how caste continues to operate as a system of control and violence when Dalits assert their rights in the state.
Violence against Dalit women and girls
Gender-based caste crime against Dalit women and girls has also increased. Overall rape cases increased from 97 in 2019 to 132 in 2023 — a 36.1% jump. 2022 saw the highest cases (166).
The prevalence of rape cases is higher among Dalit girls than adult women. Rape of Dalit women decreased by 14%, but the rape of Dalit girls escalated by 73.2%. In 2019, 56 rape cases were recorded. That increased to 97 in 2023.
Rapes are not isolated incidents targeting individuals, especially when it is against Dalit women and girls. Often, rape is weaponised as a tool of caste oppression.
‘Assault on women and minor girls with an ‘intent to outrage her modesty’ has increased from 19 cases in 2019 to 74 in 2023 — a 289.5% increase.
Judicial failures, state apathy
The justice system’s response remains deeply inadequate. In 2023, the conviction rate in atrocity cases against Dalits was at just 12.2%, while the acquittal rate was a staggering 87.8%.
Meanwhile, the pendency rate of atrocity cases is at 87.7%. A significant reason is the inadequate number of exclusive special courts that are supposed to conduct speedy trials. Tamil Nadu has only 20 exclusive special courts, according to the State Annual Report (2024) Data.
According to section 16 of the Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes Prevention of Atrocities (PoA) Act, the state-level vigilance and monitoring committee has to meet twice a year. These statutorily mandated meetings have not been properly conducted in Tamil Nadu since 2021. Only one meeting was conducted in 2021, 2022 and 2023. The committee did not meet even once in 2024.
Notably, the chief minister is the chairperson of this committee. This is not an administrative lapse but is reflective of the state’s priorities its casteist attitude to Dalits and Adivasis
In criminal law, including atrocity cases, the state prosecutes the accused. Therefore, the high rate of acquittals reflects not the failure of victims, but the failure of the state and its mechanism.
The provisions of the Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes Prevention of Atrocities (PoA) Act require the state to effectively oversee the case from the investigative stage to the final prosecution. The state is also required to ensure compensation, rehabilitation and protection for victims. Further, the state must protect and provide travel and maintenance funds for both victims and witnesses during the trial.
In reality, there are gaps at every stage. The very process becomes exhausting and punishing for victims.
Custodial violence
The Prison Statistics India (PSI) reports reveal that Dalits are disproportionately subject to custodial violence under the cover of preventive detention laws.
In 2021, SC persons accounted for 657 detainees, constituting 37% of the total detainees in the state. Strikingly, Tamil Nadu alone accounted for 84.5% of all SC detainees in India.
By 2023, the share of SC detainees in the state further increased to 42.2%, despite SCs comprising only around 20% of the population in the state as per the 2011 census.
The electoral defeat of the DMK reflects, among several factors, growing dissatisfaction over the gap between the rhetoric of social justice and the continued vulnerability of Dalit communities to caste violence and discrimination.
At the same time, the TVK’s rapid rise within just two years of its formation reflects the strong celebrity-driven appeal and cinematic influence that continue to shape Tamil Nadu politics, particularly among younger voters seeking an alternative to the traditional Dravidian parties.
However, political change driven by charisma, celebrity culture, and anti-incumbency sentiment alone cannot guarantee structural justice for marginalised communities.
Concerns regarding TVK’s silence and response to recent critical issues, including the murder of Dalit techie Kavin Selvaganesh, intensified public scrutiny over how seriously caste-based violence will be addressed.
The crucial question remains whether TVK will move beyond political symbolism and ensure prompt prevention of atrocities, effective investigation, accountability, victim protection, and stronger implementation of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act.
Author bio: Deepesh Chithra is the Research & Advocacy Officer at the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) in New Delhi.