After the Headlines goes beyond breaking news to uncover what happens long after the spotlight fades. When caste and labor struggles make headlines, the immediate outrage often overshadows the deeper, systemic issues that persist. This series follows the aftermath—how perpetrators regain power, how justice remains elusive, and how marginalized communities continue to resist despite institutional failures. By tracing the long arcs of power, politics, and oppression, After the Headlines reveals the stories that refuse to end with a verdict or a news cycle.
Until he was brutally murdered on July 5, it appears nobody fully understood the political relevance of Bahujan Samaj Party’s (BSP) Tamil Nadu president K Armstrong outside the slums of north Chennai where he was born and raised. The national outlets picked up the news of Armstrong’s death only after BSP chief Mayawati called for a Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) probe and raised questions about the quality of investigation by the Tamil Nadu police. “Even the people who were closest to him realised only during the 16th day memorial service that he wasn’t just the lawyer, Ambedkarite Buddhist leader, and state president of the BSP that they knew him to be — he was so much more,” says Sreerag TK, a Bengaluru-based filmmaker.
Sreerag was in Chennai to document Armstrong’s memorial service, which had drawn people from across Tamil Nadu. The turnout at the memorial far outstripped the traditional base of the BSP, which has a negligible presence in the state. Who were these people and what did Armstrong mean to them?
“There were thousands from across the state at the memorial. Many had nothing in common with one another. But they all had a deep personal connection with Armstrong. And most importantly, not all of them were Ambedkarites or even Dalits,” Sreerag says. “You should’ve seen the faces of the people in the rally — anger, sorrow, passion.”
There were several moving eulogies by Jesuit priests, Muslim clergymen, trade unionists, intellectuals, NGO leaders, and urban rights activists. Their testimonies, which spoke of Armstrong’s efforts at building larger solidarities, came as news to his immediate circle made up of his family, Buddhist fraternity, and BSP workers. “Going by the testimonies, Armstrong seemed like a man who was trying to frantically solve a jigsaw puzzle. There were clearly many moving pieces in his life,” Sreerag says.
Armstrong’s principle struggle through the BSP and his Buddhist organising was to set a progressive, anti-caste agenda in a state ruled by parties that claim a progressive, anti-caste legacy. Much of his Ambedkarite political organising was focussed on exposing the contradictions of the Dravidian parties, including the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and the All India Anna DMK (AIADMK).
Even at his memorial service, over and above the emotional eulogies, leaders from different Ambedkarite groups had lambasted the DMK government led by MK Stalin. They said they lacked faith in the state’s law enforcement agencies and alleged that the investigation was being bungled.
Few in Chennai can remember a larger or more politically charged event led by Dalits, despite the city’s massive Dalit population. Indeed, the days leading up to the memorial rally were marked by an intense war of words between supporters of Armstrong and that of the ruling party. The DMK’s supporters claimed that Armstrong was involved with the mafia and his Ambedkarite activities were merely a front for his illegal businesses. Large sections of the media too went with this narrative.
Meanwhile, the event also had its own internal contradictions and exposed the deep divisions within the Dalit movement in the state.
The massive July 20 rally, which started with a march through the city, was organised by Tamil director Pa Ranjith’s Neelam Cultural Centre. Despite the spectacular turnout, there was a prominent absentee.
Thol Thirumavalavan, the leader of the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK), asked his cadre to stay away from the rally and said that it was being organised by people who are trying to denigrate his party. The VCK, which is in alliance with the DMK, is the most prominent Dalit party in Tamil Nadu. It was criticised for changing its stance allegedly because of its alliance with the DMK.
During Armstrong’s funeral a fortnight earlier, both Thirumavalavan and Ranjith were seen giving each other moral support as they struggled to hold back tears. But by July 20, equations had completely changed. Commenting on the memorial event organised by Ranjith, Thirumavalavan said, “Some political ignoramus on the payroll of some forces opposed to the VCK are exploiting Armstrong's murder and trying to denigrate VCK more than the DMK.”
As these political battles raged, the investigation into the murder was witnessing dramatic twists. A group of men surrendered within hours of the murder and one of the key suspects was killed by the police. The investigators claimed that Armstrong mixed up with the underworld and was murdered because of a gang war. The slain leader’s supporters alleged that the police were destroying evidence by staging extra judicial killings.
Although they fell out politically, both Thirumavalavan and Ranjith have consistently stuck to the stand that Armstrong’s murder is part of a larger political conspiracy and not the job of some gangsters.
Armstrong was the leader of one of the smallest parties in Tamil Nadu and the Buddhist movement he led is still fledgling. Whom did his existence threaten so much that he had to be taken out of the way?
Armstrong was powerful in a way that wasn't immediately apparent. He rubbed shoulders with the most powerful people in Tamil Nadu and his influence far exceeded his immediate social context. In the rough neighbourhoods of north Chennai where deprivation spawns violent desperados, Armstrong was able to match-up to men who had bigger organisations and powerful caste cartels backing them.
While claims of his involvement with the mafia have never been proved, Armstrong had a reputation as a strongman who was often approached by people for out-of-court mediation of disputes. People close to him say that he was one of the most powerful lawyers in the Madras Bar Association, for whose elections he could sway the votes of nearly a thousand lawyers cutting across communities.
Although nobody seemed to have a fully coherent theory, the overall sense we got from people close to Armstrong was that he had enemies across the spectrum. Their theories matched a key aspect of the investigations so far — the list of suspects detained by the police include functionaries of all major parties in Tamil Nadu, including the ruling DMK, the principal opposition party AIADMK, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and the Tamil Manila Congress (TMC).
Armstrong owned a licenced pistol and would rarely venture out without a group of supporters who doubled up as security. “Almost everybody we spoke to said he was the best archival resource on public common land and lands granted to Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe communities. They all talked about his work on land rights in north Chennai. This brought him in direct conflict with builders, developers, and the land mafia,” Sreerag says.
Armstrong was hacked to death by a gang armed with machetes. His licensed pistol could have easily tilted the balance. But for some reason he wasn’t carrying it on the day he needed it most. Did his killers know that he would be unarmed? Armstrong usually travels in a group. Why was there only one person with him that day?
The Buddhist who forgot his gun
Bunder Garden Street, where Armstrong lived, now lies eerily silent, with double-locked homes and residents reluctant to speak about him. “If a leader like him can be killed outside his home and then branded a ‘rowdy’ to avoid accountability, what hope do we have? Our lives are in danger in Tamil Nadu,” says a street vendor, who asks to remain unnamed and not be questioned further.
A small memorial with Armstrong’s picture, built by the residents of the area, stands at the murder site, and fear hangs heavy. “The government wouldn’t even allow the burial of his body in his office, which is 100 metres from here. This is how casteism works in the state. For other leaders, burial sites are allocated within the city or near the Marina Beach. But Armstrong was sent out of the city limits, to a private land in Pothur village of Tiruvallur district,” says Armstrong’s neighbour.
In India, there is a stark contrast between how memorials are constructed for Dalit leaders and those from dominant castes or political elites. When a Dalit leader or individual passes away, it is often the community itself that must rally together to establish a memorial. On the contrary, when leaders from dominant castes or political elites pass away, the state swiftly constructs grand memorials, ensuring their legacies are cemented in the public consciousness.
In the case of Armstrong, the people’s memorial and the four-storey Buddha Vihar he built in Bunder Garden Street remain his legacy. It was only 200 metres from there, on Venugopal Swamy Kovil Street – a narrow 16-feet lane – that he was hacked to death by bike-borne assailants in front of his under-construction house. On the day of the murder, Armstrong was supervising the construction at the site, which is a few metres from the Perambur police station, a routine he had followed daily since February.
At around 7.15 pm on July 5, 2024, he was chatting with his friends, when four unidentified men dressed as food delivery agents attacked him. It was later found that the men had been waiting at a hotel nearby and had come with a proper plan.
Police sources said that the attackers, armed with machetes and country-made bombs, intended to kill Armstrong. He was rushed to Apollo Hospital in Greams Road, where he was declared dead on arrival. His brother Veera Pandian, who tried to save him, was also injured. At the hospital, Thol Thirumavalavan and Pa Ranjith broke down completely. Pictures of them leaning on each other went viral as news of Armstrong’s death spread through Dalit-Ambedkarite social media handles across the country.
Hours after the murder, eight suspects surrendered to the police. Later that night, then Chennai Commissioner of Police Sandeep Rai Rathore announced the arrest of eight men identified through CCTV footage. The police said that Armstrong was killed in retaliation for the 2023 murder of Arcot Suresh, a notorious gangster who had several cases against him. According to the police, Armstrong and Suresh’s potential “interests” in the Arudhra Gold scam (a gold scheme scam by a company in Chennai) had led to a conflict between the two. Suresh’s brother Ponnai Balu believed Armstrong was involved in Suresh’s murder. Ponnai Balu was named the prime suspect in Armstrong’s murder.
Armstrong’s supporters, Dalit leaders, and intellectuals, however, said this was more than a revenge killing, calling for a deeper investigation. The BSP expressed distrust in the state police and demanded a CBI investigation. The VCK, an ally of the ruling DMK, supported this demand, putting the state government in an uncomfortable position.
Meanwhile, social media buzzed with claims that Armstrong had a “chequered past” and that there was an attempt to "whitewash his image."
Over the past month, 28 people from various political parties, including the BJP, DMK, AIADMK, Congress, and TMC, have been arrested in connection with Armstrong’s murder. On July 14, one of the suspects, Thiruvengadam, who was the third accused in the case and one of Armstrong's attackers, was killed by the Chennai police in an extra-judicial murder.
Although the case is framed around the men who wielded the machetes, sources in the police suggest that the crime was meticulously planned, and was not merely an act of vengeance.
“We may never fully understand who Armstrong was or why he was murdered. With him gone, it’s crucial to be mindful of how we speak about him, as each of us knew a different side of him. To some, he was a Buddhist leader; to others, a politician or an intellectual. In hindsight, he remains a puzzle,” says writer and publisher Yakkan, who was associated with Armstrong in the publishing sphere for nearly half a decade.
Veera Kesavan alias Armstrong was born on January 31, 1972, as the ninth child of M Krishnan and Lilly (alias Leelavathi). Krishnan was an active member of the Dravidar Kazhagam (DK), the parent organisation of the DMK, and five of Armstrong’s elder siblings were named by Periyar EV Ramasamy himself. Born three years after the moon landing, Veera Kesavan’s alias was inspired by Neil Armstrong.
Growing up, Armstrong was passionate about two things, football and politics. His childhood friend Magimaidas (54) recalls how Armstrong’s eldest brother Veera Rajan aka Stalin was an Ambedkarite who engaged him in long conversations about anti-caste politics. Even as teenagers, Armstrong and Magimaidas tutored children and participated in political rallies.
They later went on to work for DMK leader B Ranganathan, who served as an MLA between 1991 and 2016, for a brief period. “Armstrong would never do harm to anybody,“ says Ranganathan. “He had political ambitions and was with me when he was young. Later, he became a leader of another political party.”
After working for Ranganathan, Armstrong moved on to start the Dr Bhimrao Dalit Association in 2001. This non-profit organisation focused on social service and education rather than politics, reflecting Armstrong’s commitment to education, says Magimaidas. Around the same time, Armstrong also joined the Puratchi Bharatham Katchi (Revolutionary India Party, RPI).
Puratchi Bharatham Katchi was founded in 1998 by M Murthy, widely known as ‘Poovai’ Murthiyar. In the 1980s and 1990s, he was a leading Dalit political figure in north Chennai. In 1978, Murthy founded the Ambedkar Mandram, which evolved into the Ambedkar People Liberation Front (APLF) and eventually, the Puratchi Bharatham Katchi.
Growing up in a house of DMK sympathisers, Armstrong had met Murthy by chance.
After the demise of their father in 1997, it was Armstrong and his brothers who took care of the family. In 2001, Armstrong’s second eldest brother Veera Mani was killed in Uttar Pradesh, where he was an employee of the Syndicate Bank. His son Regan (43) says that he was shot when he tried to prevent a robbery.
Armstrong sought help from Murthy, a prominent political leader with nationwide connections, to bring Veera Mani’s remains to Perambur. “That meeting was a turning point for Armstrong. While we knew of Murthy’s advocacy for the Dalit community, it was the meeting with him that inspired Armstrong to become a leader himself,” says Magimaidas.
“Murthiyar firmly believed that legal action is the key for Dalits and other marginalised communities to reclaim power. He encouraged Dalit youth to become lawyers, even crowdfunding their education. He believed that to advance a strong Dalit movement for the upliftment of the oppressed, we must master the law,” says Adaikkalaraj (55), a friend of Armstrong.
Imbibing the spirit of legal recourse from Murthy, Armstrong began to propagate it. By then, he had completed a course in an Industrial Training Institute (ITI) and had entered politics. In 2010, he completed his Law degree from Sri Venkateswara University in Tirupati and began practising in Chennai courts.
After Murthy’s demise in 2002, Armstrong exited the party but held onto the principles of the leader. “He has helped at least 150 students complete an education in Law,” says his personal assistant Selvam, who too became a lawyer after Armstrong enrolled him in a college. He also adds that everyone around Armstrong had clarity about law and the Constitution.
In 2006, Armstrong decided to contest in the Chennai Corporation elections as an independent candidate from the 53rd ward. Magimaidas recalls that Armstrong was approached by BSP. In an unusual arrangement, he contested independently but with the elephant symbol of the BSP, and won.
In an interview, Armstrong said that he chose neither the BSP nor its symbol consciously and that it was only later that he realised it is the party for him. “My ideologies align with that of the party … I didn’t know this was a national party and there was a national leader. Only after meeting the party’s [then] coordinator Suresh Mane, did I understand that I and BSP share a similar ideology.” After learning more about the party, he finally joined it in 2007.
In the same interview, Armstrong recalled telling Suresh Mane that he didn't know how to deliver a speech. “For six months, I never spoke on stage or in meetings. [Suresh Mane] would take me to meetings, but he would be the one to speak. I was trained by BSP leaders. I spoke for two hours on stage after that,” he said.
"I watched his maiden speech at the Corporation council. He had to work hard and practise extensively beforehand. Over the years, his speeches grew more pointed and powerful, reflecting how much he learned and how sharply his ideology developed," Anbuvendhan, state general secretary of the Republican Party of India (RPI) says.
Meanwhile, the 2006 Chennai Corporation election was mired in controversy. There were allegations of various poll related violence, bogus voting, booth capturing, security threats, and snatching of ballot boxes against the DMK, which had secured a thumping victory. The Madras High Court, in January 2007, passed a split verdict on the validity of the election results, with Justice FM Ibrahim Kalifulla ordering fresh elections in 99 out of the 155 wards in Chennai and Justice SJ Mukhopadhaya differing that there was no proof to come to that conclusion.
Following this, the then DMK chief Karunanidhi, who was also the chief minister, directed the councillors of the 99 wards to resign. However, Armstrong, whose ward also featured in the list, refused to resign and took the matter to court.
“Armstrong argued that the allegations of booth capturing were against DMK. He questioned how he would win if DMK had captured booths in his ward. He went to court and won the case,” says VCK deputy general secretary advocate Rajinikanth, who was previously with the BSP.
The court reasoned that even if there were allegations against the DMK, it did not warrant fresh election in Armstrong’s ward.
“It was not a small feat for an independent candidate to oppose and not be subservient to the ruling party. Armstrong did it because his political ambitions were very clear,” says writer Yakkan.
However, later, Armstrong did not participate in the Chennai Corporation council sessions for a whole year (2009-10). He reportedly said, “Raising issues in the council does not evoke positive response from the civic body.”
Following his stint as a councillor, in 2011, Armstrong contested the Assembly elections from the Kolathur constituency against the then deputy chief minister and DMK leader MK Stalin, who was seeking a second term from the constituency. Armstrong lost, securing 2.7% votes.
Writer Yakkan says that Armstrong’s goal wasn’t to win the election, but to establish BSP in people’s minds and spread his ideology. "He was true to his beliefs and to his party. He understood that in Tamil Nadu, where Dravidianism still thrives, the party needed to grow gradually. Coming from a DK-supporting family, he knew how deeply Dravidian ideology had permeated the Dalit community, so he patiently laid the groundwork for BSP,” says Yakkan.
In a public speech made in 2022, Armstrong spoke about how he chose a different path even though his family had long supported DK and DMK. "My father was a DK follower, a devotee of Periyar. It was Periyar himself who named five of my siblings. Following DK naturally led to supporting DMK — everyone in my hamlet voted for them. Our parents and brothers are all from DMK. We're taught to listen to our parents, but I left DMK, despite my father's involvement with the party," he said.
He explained that he rejected both Dravidian parties (DMK and AIADMK) because of their feudal nature, stating, "Our focus should be on gaining power, as BSP and Behenji [Mayawati] teach us."
Although he wore many hats, everybody we spoke to said that his single biggest priority was to expand the BSP’s presence and ideology in Tamil Nadu.
In 2008, he organised a huge public rally in Chennai, which was headed by the party supremo Mayawati, when she was the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh. The rally at Pulla Reddy Avenue in Aminjikarai attracted thousands of people, and brought Armstrong to Mayawati’s attention. It was after this rally that she elevated him to BSP state chief.
The BSP, founded by Manyavar Kanshi Ram in 1984, aims to represent the ‘Bahujans’ — Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes, and religious minorities. The BSP's core belief is that true equality can only be achieved when the oppressed hold power. Kanshi Ram envisioned that if 50% of Bahujans could unite, it would be possible to establish a Union government led by the oppressed castes. In 2001, Mayawati succeeded Kanshi Ram as the party leader. The BSP’s stronghold is Uttar Pradesh, where it formed the government in 2007.
Following in Kanshi Ram's footsteps, Armstrong steadfastly refused to join the Dravidian parties. As journalist Jeyarani says, “He could have easily become an MLA or MP by aligning with the Dravidian parties. But he strongly opposed their caste politics and saw their inadequacy in establishing social justice for Dalits. Armstrong distanced himself from DMK and AIADMK, and instead chose to provide the social capital essential for Dalits and other oppressed communities.”
Elaborating on this, she says, “While the Dravidian parties talk about alliance and upliftment of Dalits, they are not given anything when it comes to power sharing. From district secretary posts to allocation of ministries, Dalits don’t get much besides reservation quotas. Armstrong voiced out against these inadequacies and betrayal and sought to build a casteless Bahujan politics.”
Yakkan observes that the more one analyses mainstream politics, the more it becomes clear that Dalits and oppressed communities are treated as mere pawns. “Our lives are valued only as part of the vote bank. While Tamil Nadu’s Dalit politics focuses on keeping Dalits within Hinduism and securing resources for them, Ambedkarite Buddhist politics aims to liberate them from Hinduism and achieve political power. This was Ambedkar’s ideology, and Armstrong understood it well,” says Yakkan.
"Dalits have never had social capital — the network that helps access resources or information, someone to speak for us, and help us rise in society. Armstrong was that capital for us. He earned respect and trust over years of work, not just as a politician but as a leader and ideologist," Jeyarani adds.
Activist Shalin Maria Lawrence points out that Armstrong’s influence significantly changed north Chennai, helping people shed the label of criminals and become advocates. Once the city’s core, north Chennai is now marginalised, housing Scheduled Castes, Christians, and Muslims who face the stigma of entrenched stereotypes and socio-economic challenges, exacerbated by media portrayals. “We are often depicted as rowdies and goondas, subjected to false cases and custodial violence. We are compelled to fight numerous battles,” says Shalin.
People from north Chennai often hesitate to approach the police or the government directly. This deep-rooted mistrust stems from historical incidents of police brutality and corruption, and is compounded by socio-economic factors.
People within the Dalit community often try to resolve issues amicably with the support of local leaders. A BSP worker explains, "This isn't katta panchayat (kangaroo court) as some might think. Our people need guidance on legal issues, and often lack the time or resources to pursue cases. Often, the police also don’t take us seriously, sometimes even filing cases against us. That's why we turn to local leaders to resolve issues.”
"Armstrong's deep knowledge of history gave him a profound understanding of systemic oppression and effective resistance. This made him a key figure of the community, standing by them during disputes and preventing false cases. His support was crucial, as dealing with legal challenges is draining. Armstrong's strategy was straightforward — combat the system through legal means," Shalin explains.
Dr BR Ambedkar believed that escaping the social hierarchy inherent in Hinduism was key to achieving equality and self-respect. His life project was to convert Dalits to a new religion – Buddhism – as he saw this as the only path to liberation. In a speech broadcast on All India Radio on October 3, 1954, he defined his social philosophy with the words ‘Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity’.
“Let no one claim that I borrowed my philosophy from the French Revolution,” he asserted, “My philosophy is rooted in religion, not political science, and is derived from the teachings of my Master, the Buddha.”
This formed the core belief of Armstrong, as his personal assistant Selvam says. “He always said that our motto is to attain liberty, equality, and fraternity, and that it is possible only by embracing Buddhism.”
Armstrong emerged as a leading Buddhist Dalit voice in Tamil Nadu, challenging Dravidian politics with his ‘Jai Bhim’ model.
Though it is unknown when exactly Armstrong formally converted to Buddhism, he began actively engaging in Buddhist cultural work in the late 2000s. “Many are committed to Dalit politics, but few dedicate themselves to the cultural space,” Yakkan notes. “Babasaheb Ambedkar aimed to create a Buddhist counter-culture to achieve equality. Armstrong took up this challenging mission and executed it with grace.”
Jeyarani adds that leaders who invoke Buddhism in political speeches often do not implement it in the personal or cultural sphere. “Armstrong stepped down from the stage and started living by Buddhist principles. This enabled a lot more people to understand Buddhism in the blood and flesh, rather than just as an abstract concept.”
As soon as we enter Bunder Garden Street in Perambur, a four storey building in a vibrant hue of yellow, built in the Buddhist style, captures our attention. This is the South India Buddha Vihar, built by Armstrong. It was inaugurated in January 2018, amidst grand celebrations. Monks from around 40 different countries were invited to the inauguration and prayers were conducted.
Buddhism has a long history in Perambur, dating back to the 1800s. Iyothee Thass Pandithar, a prominent Dalit leader and Tamil Buddhist revivalist, had established a vihar (Buddhist temple) on Nelvayal Salai in Perambur. In 1954, Ambedkar visited Perambur and stayed at the vihar during his research on Buddhism in south India. His visit is noted in Dr Ambedkar's Speeches and Writings, Volume 17, Part III.
A few streets away from the old vihar is the one built by Armstrong, its ground floor prominently featuring a large golden Buddha statue visible from the street. He acquired the statue at an international exhibition at the Nandambakkam Trade Centre long before the vihar was completed. "From the moment he saw it, he knew it was the Buddha he wanted. He kept it in his home until the construction of the vihar was finished," writes Vinayagam, a close associate of Armstrong, in his obituary for the Tamil magazine Bodhi Murasu.
The other floors of the vihar house the Anitha Intellectual Centre — a reading room for students, a residential room for monks, and a terrace. It is named after the 17-year-old Ariyalur girl who died by suicide in 2017 allegedly unable to bear the pressure of the national medical entrance examination NEET. The centre features a large graffiti of the Buddha's back with Anitha's face in the foreground. A party worker explains that this depiction symbolises the inability of the Buddha himself to confront the injustice faced by Anitha.
Even before constructing the vihar, Armstrong was an active Buddhist, organising workshops and classes on Buddhism. In 2006, he chartered an entire train to Deekshabhoomi in Nagpur. It is the place where Ambedkar and his followers embraced Buddhism on October 14, 1956. “He provided food and accommodation for everyone and extensively discussed neo-Buddhism and Ambedkar on the trip,” says Rajinikanth, who joined Armstrong on the journey.
All events at Armstrong's home followed Buddhist customs, including his mother’s funeral in 2009. His marriage to Porkodi, now the Tamil Nadu coordinator of BSP, was a grand Buddhist ceremony in 2016. In 2023, the couple welcomed their daughter, whom party supremo Mayawati named Savitribai after the popular anti-caste icon and social reformer Savitribai Phule. Her first birthday was also celebrated as a significant Buddhist event.
Party workers say that these were not merely functions in his house, but celebrations of the community. "He organised large Buddhist ceremonies not out of lavishness, but to demonstrate that an alternative lifestyle without Brahminical influence is possible," says Jeyarani. She adds that many others have since held weddings and events following this tradition.
“Adopting Buddhism was a historical necessity, and Armstrong was unique in understanding this from a political perspective,” says Yakkan, noting that effecting cultural change in Tamil Nadu, a region dominated by Dravidianism, was a challenging task.
Shalin says that creating a counter-culture is paramount to fighting the existing system, especially in Tamil Nadu, where atheism is commonly proposed as the antidote for the caste system. “While the Dravidian parties advocate giving up religion to denounce the caste system, it is nearly impossible to tell people who are religious, practice rituals and celebrations, to become atheists all of a sudden. We need to bring in a cultural change and inculcate political values in them. What can not be done politically can be done culturally.”
Siddharth Dass, a member of Nila Dhamma (a collective of Buddhist families in Chennai, with whom Armstrong had close ties), reiterates this view. “Buddhism gives a rational lifestyle, which is an alternative to the oppressive one we are living now. We can’t form a new culture with nothing in it. Our people need something to believe in. That is what Buddhism gives them, that is the culture Armstrong strived to create.”
Armstrong later launched a publishing house under the South India Buddha Vihar, producing booklets of fewer than 50 pages featuring Ambedkar's speeches and Buddhist texts. This aligns with the image of an avid reader that Regan paints of him. "My strongest memories of [Armstrong] are of him reading. Whenever I saw him at home, even late at night, he would be reading and taking notes. He knew Ambedkar's speeches inside out and would recite them to us from memory. He also contributed to music composition and theatre performances based on neo-Buddhist texts," he recalls.
Yakkan says that Buddhist discipline provides “healing for the wounded psyche of Dalits” and argues that no Dalit leader has been able to successfully integrate Buddhist cultural values into society. "Armstrong understood that leading people out of Hinduism required creating a shared cultural space, and political success depended on this foundation. Other Dalit parties in the state, including the VCK, failed in this regard by focusing their politics on Tamil nationalism, which conflicts with Buddhism due to the deep-seated wounds in the Tamil psyche.”
“To Tamils, Buddhism evokes memories of the violence committed by Sri Lankan Sinhala-Buddhist majoritarianism and ethnocracy. Even though Buddhism’s core teachings having nothing to do with the genocide, the association remains. This creates a conflict for Tamil nationalist parties that promote Buddhism, because how can they endorse a religion associated with the very violence inflicted on their people?” Yakkan asks, adding, “Tamil nationalism won’t aid Dalits who have suffered from caste violence. We need to ask ourselves whether we are fighting for our community or merely for political gains.”
“Armstrong knew what he was fighting for. His demise has completely halted the neo-Buddhist politico-cultural activities in Chennai,” Yakkan laments.
At the time of his death, Armstrong's neo-Buddhist movement was still in its early stages and restricted to Perambur. Jeyarani notes, "Armstrong made a remarkable impact on the cultural movement in just 15 years. Imagine what he could have accomplished with more time. I don’t think people fully understand the magnitude of this loss. Now, we have to start from scratch with Buddhism, build a culture around it, and convey its true political meaning. Unlike other religions, we lack established teachers or predecessors, so we must chart this course ourselves."
As Siddharth Dass puts it, the murder was not just that of a politician, but also of a neo-Buddhist leader, which sent ripples of fear among those in the Ambedkarite-Buddhist movement. He added that the neo-Buddhist fraternity has now overcome the fear and is taking forward the movement that Armstrong left behind.
Along with the toll the loss has taken on those active in the Buddhist cultural space, what seems to have impacted them most is the image of a ‘criminal’ being ascribed to Armstrong: ‘He was a rowdy’, ‘He engaged in katta panchayat’, ‘He was a gang leader’. “These are the things we can never imagine or associate with Armstrong, who wouldn’t even raise his voice, at anyone” members of the Buddhist movement say.
Yakkan reiterates, "We lost someone with a clear vision for applying neo-Buddhism in Tamil Nadu's political landscape."
However, a close aide of Armstrong notes that the source of the financial support he provided for educational, legal, and counter-cultural activities remains unclear. "He helped many with significant funds ranging in the lakhs and organised large events. I often wondered where the money came from. He claimed to have a network of philanthropists and called himself a mere middleman. But why would these philanthropists keep funding Armstrong?” he questions.
It was only mere metres from the Buddha Vihar, considered Armstrong’s most significant achievement, that he was murdered. "Armstrong was usually surrounded by at least 10 to 15 people, but on the day he was killed, only two accompanied him from his apartment in Ayanavaram to the construction site. We didn't know he was visiting; otherwise, we would have joined him," says Regan.
Party members note that Armstrong usually carried a licensed gun for safety, but on that day, he had left it at home. Chennai Police Commissioner Sandeep Rai Rathore told reporters that Armstrong had handed over his gun when the election's Model Code of Conduct was in effect, but it had been returned to him on June 13.
Commissioner Sandeep said, "Something seems to have occurred while Arcot Suresh [a gangster who was murdered in 2023] was in prison. The investigation is underway. Armstrong had a criminal history, but the court later closed the cases [against him]."
BSP's current national president P Anand, who also served as Armstrong's advocate, says that he was acquitted in all the cases registered against him, including the much publicised rioting case at the Dr Ambedkar Government Law College in Chennai.
The incident, which is now part of folklore in north Chennai, offers a glimpse into Armstrong's disruptive abilities. Detractors point to this incident to paint him as a gangster, but for his supporters, the rumpus at the Law College disrupted the status quo set by the dominant castes on campus.
On November 12, 2008, a fight erupted between two groups of students at the Law College over Thevar Jayanthi celebrations. The event was to commemorate Mutharamalinga Thevar, who is lionised by his caste, but seen by Dalit groups as responsible for the killing of Dalit leader Immanuel Sekharan in 1957 and the caste riots that followed.
Further provoking the Dalits, students from the Thevar community posted flyers inside the college, referring to it as "Government Law College" instead of "Dr Ambedkar Government Law College". When Dalit students questioned this, a verbal spat escalated into a violent clash near the college's main gate, with students attacking each other using iron rods and clubs in public view.
Armstrong and advocate Rajinikanth, among 43 others, were charged with instigating violence at the college. Rajinikanth recalls, "The college principal and police had called us to help resolve the issue, but after the violence broke out, we were the ones arrested."
On September 22, 2016, a lower court in Chennai acquitted 22 people, including Armstrong and Rajinikanth, while convicting 21 others.
Apart from the Law College clash, Armstrong has been booked in at least seven different cases between 2001 and 2022, on charges including rioting, wrongful restraint, criminal intimidation, culpable homicide not amounting to murder, and robbery. According to Anand, Armstrong was acquitted in all of these cases.
According to police sources, after the Law College clash, a history-sheet was opened in his name, which predominantly consisted of cases from before he joined the party. However, he later approached the police and got his name removed from the list.
The cases against him have been used to dismiss his death as merely the result of a gang war. BSP, VCK, Dalit activists, public intellectuals, and Armstrong's close acquaintances have voiced their outrage over this portrayal. According to Yakkan, this is "character assassination," and is equal to "murdering him again".
Shalin adds, "Labelling him as a rowdy is an attempt to suppress our fighting spirit, diverting us from seeking justice for his murder. It's also a way to whitewash the government's failure and the decline of law and order in the state. Dehumanising Dalits and their leaders is a tactic in this psychological warfare against us."
Not all of Armstrong's enemies were from the savarna communities. Indeed he had a reputation for being ruthless with those he saw as traitors or competitors.
In 2012, the BSP was in turmoil with hundreds of top party leaders across the country rebelling against Mayawati. One of the most prominent of the rebels was Pramod Kureel, a former Rajya Sabha MP.
Touring the country with a vow to remove Mayawati as the party president, Pramod landed in Chennai to organise a meeting of rebels. The meeting had barely started when a gang barged in and attacked the leaders on the dais. Pramod and former leader of BSP’s Kerala unit Shaji Cheraman sustained injuries in the attack. They named Armstrong as the leader of the pack.
Pramod alleged in his police complaint that the attack was commissioned by Mayawati and executed by Armstrong. The party supremo and her state president were booked for aggravated assault and attempted murder by the Chennai police.
The BSP terms Armstrong's death a premeditated political assassination, calling for an investigation to treat it as such. "There is no connection between Armstrong’s murder and the eight arrested men. The real culprits must be caught, and the true motive brought to light," the party urges. The VCK, despite its alliance with the ruling DMK, supports this demand.
Armstrong’s supporters were further angered when Commissioner Sandeep, addressing the media after the murder, highlighted past cases against Armstrong, even though the cases had been dismissed by the court. They accuse the state government of tarnishing Armstrong's reputation to cover up the crime. On July 20, Director Pa Ranjith’s Neelam Cultural Centre organised a 'Rally for Justice' in Egmore, demanding justice for Armstrong's murder. At the rally, participants held placards reading 'Dalit Lives Matter' and called for protection of other Dalit leaders.
Dismissing allegations that the murder was politically motivated, the police are also investigating Armstrong and Arcot Suresh's potential “interests” in the Arudhra Gold scam, where over one lakh investors lost Rs 2,438 crore between September 2020 and May 2022. Arudhra Gold Trading, based in Chennai, lured investors with promises of 25% to 30% monthly returns but failed to deliver both the interest and principal.
Police sources say that Armstrong and Suresh were at odds after Armstrong was involved in recovering funds for high-profile clients. When questioned about this, the Chennai Police Commissioner neither confirmed nor denied the investigation's focus, stating, "We are looking into all possible angles."
Police sources also say that one of the accused, Nagendran, is a notorious A+ category history sheeter from north Chennai, who has been in jail for 25 years but still controls gangs across the city. Police suspect that he too might have had prior conflicts with Armstrong over alleged land dealings. The investigation has also focused on Nagendran and his son, Ashwathaman of the Congress party.
A close associate of Armstrong who wished to remain anonymous shares a different perspective. "I have no knowledge of the Arudhra scam or of Armstrong’s involvement in it. But after Suresh’s murder, I visited Armstrong, and everything felt different — he had a lot of bodyguards. It was a drastic change, and when I asked about it, I was told they feared Armstrong might be attacked in retaliation for Suresh’s murder. I don't know why they suspected that, but it all suddenly seemed strange to me."
So far, 28 individuals from various political backgrounds have been arrested, including Indian Youth Congress member Ashwathaman; Tamil Maanila Congress student wing vice-president K Hariharan; AIADMK worker S Malarkodi; Sathish, the son of local DMK functionary; and BJP functionary M Anjalai.
Other key suspects include Suresh's brother Baalu and aides, among them Thiruvengadam, who was killed by Chennai police in an extrajudicial encounter on July 14. Thiruvengadam was also implicated in the 2015 murder of Thennarasu, the Tiruvallur district president of the BSP. According to police, he had admitted to supplying the weapons used in Armstrong's murder and was the first to attack Armstrong on the day he was killed.
Despite several arrests, the motive behind the murder remains unclear, with various theories making it difficult to discern the truth. However, the prevailing narrative paints the murder as a "revenge killing" tied to Armstrong’s alleged past activities and his alleged "rowdyism."
Shalin argues, "Supporting Dalits during crises and standing by them in legal matters isn't rowdyism – it's assertiveness. When Dalit leaders like Immanuel Sekaran or Arya Sankaaran asserted themselves, they were labelled as rowdy, just as they're doing with Armstrong now. He believed the Constitution is our tool for equality, not violence. Misinterpreting his assertiveness as violence only serves to degrade and dehumanise him."
"We'll have to wait for the investigation to conclude, but I believe Armstrong died to expose that Dalits are not safe in Tamil Nadu. When a national party leader is murdered in broad daylight outside his home, it highlights the state's failure in protecting Dalits. These are the darkest stains on Tamil Nadu's record of social justice," says Shalin.
Yakkan adds, “We might know the reason behind the murder eventually, but it will take several decades for another Armstrong to rise among the people, with such a strong ideology. Right now, what we have is the legacy he has left behind, and his life and actions that speak for him.”
This reporting is made possible with support from Report for the World, an initiative of The GroundTruth Project.
This is the second story in a two-part series on former BSP Tamil Nadu chief K Armstrong who was murdered on July 5, leaving behind several questions regarding his life and death. Read the first part here.