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The Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS) remains profoundly shaped by the presence of K Chandrashekhar Rao (KCR), whose political charisma, compelling oratory, and strategic acumen have long formed the party’s backbone. For years, KCR has been the undisputed face and driving force behind the BRS’s rise and resilience in Telangana politics. However, recent electoral setbacks, combined with his retreat from active public engagement, have opened the door to an emerging power struggle within the family.
KTR: The rising son
Following the BRS’s defeat in the 2023 Assembly elections and its complete wipe-out in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, KCR has largely retreated from public life, limiting himself to occasional media appearances, rare visits to the Assembly, and a solitary speech at the party’s 25th anniversary while spending most of his time at his farmhouse.
Though KCR retains the title of principal opposition leader on paper, it is his son, KT Rama Rao (KTR), who has been given centre stage, reflecting a deliberate effort to position him as the face of the BRS. At the silver jubilee rally, only the images of KCR and KTR were displayed on the stage backdrop—a clear indication that KTR is the heir apparent.
Dynastic ambition—like in any other political party—runs deep in BRS. But KTR is not the only one eyeing the top post. KCR’s nephew Harish Rao is equally politically ambitious, and Kavitha, KCR’s daughter, has also thrown her hat into the ring. Neither is likely to make KTR’s ascension easy.
Harish Rao: The organisational point man
Since the BRS’ inception in 2001, Harish Rao has been the principal executor of KCR’s political strategies. He holds seniority over KTR both within the party and in electoral politics, having become an MLA and minister in 2004, whereas KTR was first elected as an MLA in 2009 and appointed minister in 2014.
In recognition of Harish Rao’s loyalty and dedication, KCR entrusted his nephew with his stronghold—the Siddipet constituency—and secured him a cabinet position in the 2004 YS Rajasekhara Reddy-led coalition government, even before Harish was elected as an MLA, signalling clear political patronage.
Despite family pressure to field KTR from the safer Siddipet seat in 2009, KCR renominated Harish Rao there and asked KTR to contest from Sircilla. KTR narrowly won by just 171 votes, while Harish Rao secured a commanding majority of 64,000. Harish remained KCR’s most trusted lieutenant—until KTR came onto the scene.
Political analyst and BRS co-founder V Prakash puts it succinctly: “While KCR is the chief strategist of the BRS, it is Harish Rao who executes them with precision.” He likens KCR to Lord Krishna and Harish Rao to Arjuna—the skilled warrior powering the party’s organisational engine. According to Prakash, any grassroots worker will attest that Harish Rao “enjoys greater organisational clout” than KTR.
For years, political observers speculated that any challenge to KTR’s leadership ambitions would come from Harish Rao, given his mass appeal, experience, and rapport with party workers. But politics is often about the unexpected.
Kavitha: The first to break ranks?
The first signs of open dissent have come not from Harish Rao but from KCR’s politically ambitious daughter, K Kavitha—a former MP and current MLC. That this dissent originates from her is hardly surprising, given her visible efforts to reassert herself politically after being sidelined by the party.
During the Telangana agitation, as both Harish Rao and KTR were gaining prominence, Kavitha—determined not to be left behind and eager to carve out her own political identity—founded the cultural organisation Telangana Jagruthi. She quickly established a distinct presence and won her maiden election as a Member of Parliament from Nizamabad in 2014. In the 2018 Assembly elections, while still serving as MP, she played a key role in securing victories in all seven Assembly constituencies within the Nizamabad Lok Sabha segment.
Her political fortunes began to wane after she lost the 2019 Parliamentary election—a setback that came just months after her party had swept the region in the Assembly polls. She was subsequently nominated to the Legislative Council in a 2020 bye-election and re-elected unopposed in 2021.
Kavitha’s political decline gathered pace when her name first surfaced in the liquor scam in November 2022. During the 2023 Assembly election campaign—amid mounting allegations—she was reportedly instructed by her party to confine her campaigning to the seven Assembly constituencies within the Nizamabad Lok Sabha segment. Though this curtailed her broader political influence, it aligned with her focus on reclaiming Nizamabad—a seat she was eager to wrest back in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections to avenge her 2019 loss to her political bête noire, BJP’s Arvind Dharmapuri.
Her plans were disrupted just days before the elections when she was arrested in connection with the Delhi liquor policy case. She spent a little over five months in Tihar Jail, which she attributes to the BJP, alleging it was a politically motivated case. Her detractors argue that even if she hadn’t been arrested, she might not have contested, given her party’s weak electoral prospects in the Lok Sabha polls.
Since her release, Kavitha has been striving to regain political relevance. She has recently championed the cause of Backward Classes—calling for the implementation of 42% reservation and the installation of a statue of social reformer Jyotirao Phule in the Telangana Legislative Assembly—demands she notably did not raise during the BRS’ decade-long rule.
Her outreach comes at a time when Backward Classes are increasingly asserting their political presence. This raises a critical question: as Backward Classes push for greater representation and leadership from within their own communities, will they support Kavitha, who belongs to the Velama community—an upper caste historically seen as dominant in Telangana?
In a letter addressed to KCR, Kavitha was critical of him for failing to take a firm stand against the BJP during his speech at the party’s 25th anniversary rally. She argued that the BRS’ decision to abstain from the recently concluded MLC elections had fuelled speculation about a possible political understanding with the BJP. The underlying tone of her letter was unmistakably one of dissent—a pointed reminder that she will not be sidelined.
Those who know Kavitha assert that she is highly ambitious and unlikely to relinquish power easily to her brother. Just as in neighbouring Andhra Pradesh, where YS Sharmila fell out with her brother YS Jagan and went on to form her own party before merging it with the Congress, it remains to be seen whether Kavitha will also choose to establish her own party or if this should be regarded as a serious warning sign.
A party at the crossroads
In a party long dominated by KCR, Kavitha’s open defiance signals visible cracks. Whether this marks the beginning of a full-blown revolt remains to be seen. One thing is for sure: the previously well-planned succession plan seems to be unravelling.
As internal tensions deepen within the family, the future direction of the BRS remains uncertain, with significant implications for Telangana’s political landscape. Whether the first open revolt comes from Harish Rao or Kavitha, one thing is certain: the cracks in the BRS are wide open.
Karam Komireddy is an advocate practising at the Telangana High Court. Views expressed here are the author’s own.