Ahead of its party congress scheduled for April, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI(M)] is facing questions over its one-month-old draft political resolution, which said that the Union government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi could not be called fascist. The draft resolution became a political controversy this week after the CPI(M) released an explanatory note to its state units, clarifying its stand that while the Modi government “displays neofascistic characteristics,” it is currently neither fascistic nor neofascistic.
The draft resolution called the ruling faction under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its ideological mentor Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) a “Hindutva-corporate authoritarian regime that displays neofascistic characteristics.”
The explanatory note said, "What we are pinpointing is that after 10 years of continuous rule by the BJP, which is the political wing of the RSS, there has been a consolidation of political power in the hands of the BJP-RSS and this is resulting in the manifestation of 'neofascist characteristics'.”
The CPI(M) emphasised that 'characteristics' means features or trends. "They have not developed into a neo-fascist government and political set up. So the political resolution is talking about the danger of the Hindutva-corporate authoritarianism moving towards neofascism if the BJP-RSS are not fought back and halted," says the note, which was published weeks after the release of the draft political document for suggestions.
What is neofascism?
Neofascism is a fascist-inspired political movement that arose in Europe in the decades following World War II. While it encompassed the fascist characteristics of pre-war governments – such as militant nationalism, authoritarianism, racism, and xenophobia – it differed from earlier fascist movements in various social, economic and political aspects.
Bart Cammaerts, professor of Politics and Communication at the London School of Economics and Political Science, explains neofascism as a contemporary political phenomenon that combines ultra-nationalism with nativism and celebrates racial hierarchy, as well as the desirability of inequality and privilege. He adds that it propagates an anti-intellectualism that denounces facts and expert knowledge and spreads blatant lies. Neofascists also claim victimhood when critiqued and actively undermine democratic institutions and values by using democracy against democracy, Cammaerts writes.
According to the CPI(M), it used the term neo-fascism to distinguish it from the classical fascism that emerged in Europe in the period between the two World Wars, like in Italy under Mussolini and Germany under Hitler. Some features of neofascism, such as extreme nationalism, othering of minorities based on their religion, race, or community, and growing support for extreme rightwing neofascist forces and bourgeois are similar to the fascism that emerged during the first phase of the 20th century, the note adds.
The CPI(M) note says that neofascists differ from classical fascists in their use of electoral politics to further their political ambitions. It adds that while neofascists won’t abandon the electoral process even after gaining power, they will stifle the opposition and make changes to the Constitution.
Among the neofascist characteristics that the CPI(M) attributed to the BJP-RSS regime are the suppression of the opposition and democracy, fear of immigrants, and alliance with the ‘big bourgeoisie’.
"In India, neo-fascism is shaped by the RSS and its Hindutva ideology, which is fascistic according to our Party Programme, being able to exercise levers of power under BJP rule. The combination of the Hindutva sectarian ideology, the neo-liberal crisis and the imposition of authoritarianism to serve the interests of the big bourgeoisie, are all ingredients of a proto neo-fascism," the CPI(M) said in the note. The party added that its stand was different from that of the CPI and the CPI (ML), where the former defined the Modi government as a fascist and the latter stated that an Indian fascism has been put in place.
However, the stance displayed in the draft resolution of the upcoming party congress is different from its previous resolutions. The resolution of the 23rd Political Congress held in 2022 stated that the BJP government was aggressively pursuing the Hindutva communal agenda of the fascistic RSS, calling the BJP the political front of the fascistic RSS. “When the BJP is in power, the RSS gets access to the instruments of State power and the State machinery,” it had stated. The party had also observed in its 22nd congress that the authoritarian and communal Hindutva attacks pointed to “emerging fascistic trends.”
CPI, Congress object
The party’s explanation does not sit well with the Communist Party of India (CPI) or the Congress, both allies of the CPI(M) in the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance.
In CPI(M)-ruled Kerala, it became a matter of political debate with Leader of Opposition in the Kerala Assembly VD Satheesan alleging that the document exposed a clandestine deal between BJP and CPI(M). "The CPI(M) declared that the Modi government is neither classical fascist nor neofascist. This is part of the CPI(M)’s move to engage in a political deal with the BJP. The Congress-led INDI Alliance firmly states that the Modi government is a fascist government," Satheesan said.
CPI state secretary Binoy Viswam expressed his objection by stating that the RSS-controlled BJP government was “completely fascist.”
The political resolution, once finalised, will be placed before the 24th Party Congress to be held in Madurai from April 2 to 6, 2025. The draft political resolution, finalised by the party central committee in mid-January, was released for discussion in all party units on February 1. Party members or units can propose amendments by March 5.
