The lands around Bengaluru have long been eyed by domestic and foreign corporate companies, major real estate groups, and their political intermediaries. Since 1991, elected governments have officially acted as agents of large capitalists, attracting private investors by handing over public assets, especially farmers' lands, to corporations at throwaway prices. This has become a measure of governmental success. Neither the Congress, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), nor Janata Dal (Secular) [JD(S)] governments have deviated from these anti-farmer policies.
As part of this, in August 2021, the BJP government, through its land acquisition tool, the Karnataka Industrial Areas Development Board (KIADB), issued preliminary notices to acquire 1,777 acres of land from farmers in thirteen villages of Channarayapatna hobli in Devanahalli taluk, near Bengaluru, for developing Aerospace Industrial Area.
Since then, farmers from these thirteen villages have been relentlessly fighting against the land acquisition, refusing to succumb to inducements or threats. They have been waging an uncompromising struggle. During that time, Siddaramaiah, then the opposition leader, supported their cause, promising to cancel the land acquisition if his party came to power. However, after assuming power, the Siddaramaiah-led Congress government did not honour this commitment. Instead, after hosting the "Global Investors Meet" (GIM) in February 2025, it issued a final notification for the land acquisition in April, betraying the farmers.
On June 24, Industries Minister MB Patil announced that they would be dropping the acquisition of around 500 acres of land in this parcel but would continue with the rest.
Undeterred, the farmers intensified their struggle, with several pro-people organisations expressing solidarity. On June 25, they organised a ‘Devanahalli Chalo’ protest, warning that if the government did not withdraw the acquisition, they would stage an indefinite round-the-clock sit-in. However, as evening approached, the police used force, detained the protesters, and forcibly transported them to Bengaluru.
The next day, under the leadership of actor Prakash Raj, a delegation of supportive writers and artists met Chief Minister Siddaramaiah, who promised to discuss the issue with farmers and activists on July 4 to reach a decision. This was an attempt to pacify the movement.
Empty promises, unyielding protests
While these discussions were ongoing, Industries Minister MB Patil wrote in Prajavani, a leading Kannada daily, that the government would persuade farmers and acquire the land, arguing that if the land was not provided where investors demanded, industries would not come, hindering development and job creation.
From June 27 to July 4, a sit-in protest against the land acquisition took place at Bengaluru’s Freedom Park, supported by writers, artists, and, in the final days, national farmer leaders from the Delhi farmers' protests who expressed solidarity.
However, the Siddaramaiah government, on the night of July 3, called the protesters and requested a ten-day extension to resolve legal complications and hinted that the July 4 meeting was not warranted at this juncture. Nevertheless, yielding to the activists’ insistence, a meeting was held on July 4 with farmer leaders. On the same day, thousands of farmers, workers, students, and youth gathered at Freedom Park, demanding the withdrawal of the Devanahalli land acquisition process.
Yet, in the July 4 meeting, the Chief Minister did not respond positively to the farmers’ grievances, acting as though merely meeting them was a progressive gesture. He cited two reasons that would demand further deliberations within the government:
1. Since a final notification for the land acquisition was recently issued, legal hurdles might arise in denotifying it, requiring time to resolve.
2. Though a farmer’s son, he could not grant all the farmers’ demands, as he must work within legal limits.
Additionally, Industries Minister MB Patil continued to give statements that land must be provided where investors demanded to ensure development and job creation.
However, retired Supreme Court Justice Gopal Gowda, speaking at the farmers’ meeting, clarified that the issue was not a legal complication but a lack of political will. He cited his 2006 ruling against the Left government in West Bengal, which declared the acquisition of 1,000 acres in Singur unconstitutional and ordered the land’s return to farmers.
Thus, the government’s request for another ten days appears absurd, dubious, and unnecessary. Let’s examine the claims of the government and their true intentions.
The issue is not legal
The government’s primary excuse is that de-notifying the acquisition after the final notification would create legal issues. Is this true?
KIADB Act allows repurposing at any stage: The KIADB Act grants the state government supreme authority to denotify land at any time, even after a final notification. The government, elected by the people, holds authority over KIADB, not vice versa. Section 4 of the KIADB Act states: “Alteration of industrial area: The State Government may at any time, by notification, exclude from any industrial area, any area, or include therein any additional area, as may be specified in such notification.”
This means the government can exclude any area from an industrial zone at any time, including after preliminary or final notifications.
Section 32(3) of the Act states: “If any land placed at the disposal of the Board under sub-section (1) is required at any time thereafter by the State Government, the Board shall replace it at the disposal of the State Government upon such terms and conditions as may be mutually agreed upon.” This allows the government to reclaim land transferred to KIADB after a final notification.
There is also Section 37 of the Act which deals with the withdrawal of an area.
“Where the State Government is satisfied that in respect of any industrial area or any part thereof, the purpose for which the Board was established under this Act has been substantially achieved so as to render the continued existence of such area or part thereof under the Board unnecessary, the State Government may, by notification, declare that such industrial area, or part thereof, has been removed from the jurisdiction of the Board. The State Government may also make such other incidental arrangements for the administration of such area or part thereof as the circumstances necessitate.”
This permits the government to remove any area from KIADB’s jurisdiction if it deems it unnecessary. Section 40 empowers the state government to frame KIADB’s rules, reinforcing its authority.
Thus, there are no legal barriers to the government making pro-farmer decisions. Historically, governments have used these provisions for corporate interests, including denotifications for real estate corruption. Now, these same provisions can be interpreted in the interests of the people.
No typical hurdles for denotification: The government faces issues in denotifying land only when the land has already been acquired and handed over to industries, compensation has already been disbursed and legal disputes have arisen from the above.
In Devanahalli, none of these issues exist.
Numerous precedents of denotification: Over the past decade, KIADB has denotified thousands of acres after both preliminary and final notifications. This includes lands for South Korean steel company Posco in Ballari, lands near Nandagudi in Bengaluru, SEZ lands in Mangaluru and Bengaluru-Mysuru corridor lands.
Most of these were denotified after preliminary notifications due to farmer protests. Even after final notifications, courts have cancelled acquisitions for procedural lapses, and in some cases, industries abandoned projects, returning land to the government. Notably, Siddaramaiah’s government recently decided to denotify 13,418 acres for the Bengaluru-Mysuru Infrastructure Corridor (BMIC), including 2,531 acres under the final notification.
The farmers in Devanahalli are only demanding the denotification of 1,777 acres. These are not new facts unknown to the government. When Siddaramaiah was in opposition, he promised immediate cancellation without needing even a day’s delay. Thus, the claim of legal constraints is baseless.
Jobs created vs livelihoods destroyed: The 2017 Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) report criticised KIADB’s operations, stating that it issues preliminary acquisition notices without planning or feasibility studies.
The CAG report also pointed out that between 2013-17, 40% of notified land (9,000 acres) had no industrial demand, 4,500 acres were fertile, and 6,500 acres were denotified due to farmer protests. The KIADB’s unplanned acquisitions left 36,000 acres worth Rs 9,000 crore unused.
Thus, KIADB functions more as a real estate tool than a development mechanism. It already holds ten times the 1,274 acres it seeks to acquire in Devanahalli. The insistence on acquiring fertile land near Bengaluru, despite farmer resistance, suggests motives beyond developmental purposes.
Massive job losses: The thirteen villages sustain over 6,000 jobs through agriculture and dairy, supporting thousands of families, including 400 acres owned by Dalits. These livelihoods involve women, men, and the uneducated. The proposed second phase of Haraluru Industrial Area, being capital and technology-intensive, will not create thousands of jobs, and the highly skilled jobs it offers will not benefit locals. The project will result in a net loss of livelihoods, not job creation. Promises of developed plots are hollow, as small farmers cannot compete with corporate giants, a pattern seen nationwide.
Thus, these are not development projects but corporate and political real estate ventures. Why else would general industries, needing just tens of acres, demand hundreds or thousands of acres near an international airport, with governments eagerly facilitating?
Congress becoming BJP in land acquisition policy
In 2013, the Congress-led UPA government introduced the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act (LARR). The Act mandated a social Impact assessments to address adverse project impacts; consent from 70 to 80% of the affected farmers and compensation at four times the market value.
In 2014, the Narendra Modi government diluted these pro-farmer provisions through ordinances and passed amendments in the Lok Sabha, though they stalled in the Rajya Sabha. As land acquisition is a concurrent subject, BJP-ruled states amended LARR to bypass these provisions, favouring corporate interests.
In Karnataka, during Siddaramaiah’s 2013-18 Congress government, over 5,000 acres were acquired under the KIADB Act, bypassing LARR’s pro-farmer provisions. In 2019, the Congress-JD(S) coalition in Karnataka amended LARR, mirroring Modi’s 2014 anti-farmer amendments. Even after returning to power in 2023, Siddaramaiah’s government did not repeal these amendments, prioritising corporate interests over farmers’ loans.
The 2013 LARR Act superseded the 1894 Land Acquisition Act, and even special acts like KIADB must align with it. Courts have questioned governments’ use of special acts like KIADB to bypass LARR.
On July 4, Siddaramaiah indirectly admitted he could not act in farmers’ favour, stating he must work within legal limits. This is unfortunate but expected from a Congress Chief Minister. While claiming legal constraints for farmers, the government amended KIADB laws in 1997, 2003, and 2019 to favour corporations, yet refused to repeal BJP’s anti-farmer amendments.
If laws can be changed for corporations, why not for farmers?
The real issue is not just the government’s constraints but whether India is a democracy or a corporatocracy bought by corporations. The people must resolve this national dilemma because the State, including Chief Ministers of different pro-people postures, serve capitalist interests and oppression.
Electoral democracy has become a velvet glove for the capitalist system. A Chief Minister’s integrity has been restricted by the interests of the ruling class. There is no path to change without a strong, united people’s movement, uncompromising street struggles, and rejecting illusions about ruling parties. The farmers must demand the immediate denotification of the 1,277 acres in Devanahalli’s thirteen villages and restore farmers’ ownership.
The government must also abolish the corporate-friendly, corrupt KIADB and repeal the 2018-19 anti-farmer amendments to the 2013 LARR Act and enforce the original act.
We also need a united and strong people's movement without out any illusion about the Congress
Shivasundar is an activist and freelance journalist. Views expressed are the author’s own.