It's been more than two weeks since 26 people were brutally murdered in broad daylight.
Not on a battlefield.
But in Kashmir’s Pahalgam.
A beautiful tourist valley was turned into a killing ground by a group of terrorists.
And this isn’t the first time India has seen something like this unfold.
Over the last two decades, there’s been a chilling pattern
Terror groups based in Pakistan, often backed by its military or intelligence agencies, carry out attacks in India.
Pakistan officially denies any involvement.
The world condemns the violence, tensions spike, and then, slowly, things return to “normal.”
Until it happens again.
So after Pahalgam, what are India’s options?
Let’s break it down
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So what are India’s options post Pahalgam? Not just the dramatic ones you might hear on primetime TV…
but the serious ones.
Ones that span the political, military, and diplomatic space.
First of all, the government has already taken some steps.
The strongest one was the suspension of the Indus Waters Treaty talks — a long-standing agreement on river water sharing.
India has now closed its airspace for all Pakistanis aircrafts.
The rest were more symbolic- The Attari-Wagah border was shut.
Pakistanis in India on SAARC visas were asked to return by May 1.
SAARC visa exemptions for Pakistani officials were withdrawn.
Both countries reduced their diplomatic staff .
Pakistan hit back with its own set of counter-measures. They alleged India had no proof of its involvement in the attack:
They also threatened to suspend the Simla Agreement — the 1972 peace accord signed after the Bangladesh war.
For over five decades, this document has formed the basis for bilateral engagement between the two nations.
The Agreement committed India and Pakistan to resolving all disputes, including Kashmir, bilaterally and peacefully.
Reconsidering the Simla Agreement will give Pakistan more room to internationalise the Kashmir issue — something it’s wanted to do for a long time.
Without the bilateral clause in place, Islamabad could try to push the matter more aggressively at the UN or seek outside mediation from allies like China or blocs like the OIC.
But here’s the catch
By stepping away from this Agreement, Pakistan also risks weakening one of the few diplomatic frameworks that keeps direct dialogue with India open.
Even during periods of extreme tension, both sides have leaned on the agreement to say: “Let’s talk, even if we disagree.”
If that’s off the table, the pressure builds up with fewer ways to defuse it.
Also, without the Simla Agreement, New Delhi feels freer to dismiss talks altogether, ramp up pressure, or even build new alliances that isolate Pakistan diplomatically.
So while it might seem like a power move by Pakistan, it actually isn’t.
Even India’s threat of suspending the Indus Waters Treaty could affect both sides.
The treaty is a decades-old agreement, brokered by the World Bank back in 1960. And it governs how the Indus River system’s waters are shared between India and Pakistan.
For Pakistan, it's existential. Almost 80% of their agriculture depends on the Indus basin.
But there is a catch for India
Building and rerouting dams isn’t something you can do overnight.
So while it might feel satisfying to “turn off the tap,” so to speak, there could be long-term consequences — environmentally, politically, and diplomatically.
But yes, it does give India the option to clock inspections by Pakistan and not share any data.
The real political challenge is at home.
This attack happened in Kashmir, yes.
But it hit civilians. Tourists.
It’s testing the claim that Kashmir is peaceful and under control.
That means the government will need to rethink its Kashmir policy — not just with a heavier hand, but with more accountability, more political dialogue, and yes, more engagement with Kashmiri voices.
Meanwhile, there’s been a lot of chatter — on primetime news, in political circles, and across social media — about whether India should carry out another military strike across the border.
Some are already drawing comparisons to the Balakot airstrikes of 2019.
Balakot was actually a significant departure from past practice.
For a long time, restraint was the default.
After the 2001 Parliament attack, India launched Operation Parakram. It was a major military buildup. But it stopped short of war. The aim was deterrence.
In 2008, the Mumbai attacks killed 175 people. Yet, India chose diplomacy and internal security over retaliation.
Things changed after 2016, following the Pathankot attack.
Remember, Modi had just made a goodwill visit to Pakistan. And even after the attack, India invited Pakistani investigators. But cooperation went nowhere.
That moment reset expectations.
Restraint gave way to reaction.
So after Uri, India carried out surgical strikes.
After Pulwama, it launched the Balakot airstrikes — the first cross-border airstrike since 1971.
So when an attack like Pahalgam happens, there’s always the debate: how do we strike back?
In fact, when we say “military response,” the first thing that comes to mind is a strike — boots on the ground, missiles in the air.
But we also have to remember that we’re dealing with a nuclear-armed neighbour.
This is why experts are saying India should first strengthen its position, smartly.
First, force mobilisation.
This doesn’t necessarily mean invasion. It means showing presence.
India can move more troops into key sectors along the Line of Control.
We’ve done this before. It puts pressure on the adversary and gives our forces tactical advantage.
Next comes a recruitment push.
The aim: expand the Army and paramilitary, especially at the borders.
But recruitment has dropped.
From 2020 to 2022, COVID halted major drives. By 2023, the Army faced 1,36,000 vacancies. The gap isn’t just in soldiers. There’s a shortage of officers too — especially Majors and Captains.
And then, there’s counter-terror ops.
A limited precision strike on terrorist camps across the Line of Control is possible — if there’s credible intel and the political will.
Indian intelligence routinely tracks launchpads and camps along the LoC.
India can also deploy its Navy to block Pakistani merchant ships, disrupt trade routes, and put economic pressure on Pakistan's trade-reliant elite. But this would be considered an act of aggression under international law.
Covert operations — more discreet, more deniable — are another route. And these don’t just happen in reaction but are a long, continuous exercise.
Cyber retaliation is on the table too, especially since asymmetric warfare is no longer just about guns and bombs.
But here’s the key: any military action has to be smart, surgical, and backed by strategy — not rage.
The problem with this government is its theatrics. While it has almost always helped it politically, it is also a burden.
A wrong move can escalate fast. And India has a lot to lose from regional instability.
Diplomacy, meanwhile, is a slower process, but it’s just as important, if not more so.
India can take the issue to international platforms, highlight Pakistan’s role in hosting terror groups, and ask for more global pressure on Pakistan.
It has to focus on building international consensus, strengthening counterterrorism efforts, and ensuring that its diplomatic stance doesn’t fuel more tensions with Pakistan unnecessarily.
But the most important measure is local engagement with Kashmiris. Slowly, and strongly, building trust in conflict-prone zones.
In Kashmir, security needs to reassure, not alienate.
India’s counter-terror efforts should grow, but with sensitivity. Locals should feel safe, not oppressed. Tourists and residents must see the government’s commitment to peace.
But let’s not forget the big picture here.
The attack in Pahalgam is not just about one tragic event.
It’s also about Kashmir and its future.
Since 2019, Kashmir has been in turmoil, with thousands of arrests and a massive crackdown on civil liberties.
While the government has claimed that it’s bringing peace and stability to the region, and that there is zero terrorism, the ground reality is different.
Many believe that the government pushed the ‘normalcy’ narrative too far
Tourism is crucial to Kashmir’s economy, contributing nearly 7% to its GDP.
Attacks like this devastate the livelihoods of ordinary Kashmiris.
But they also want a sense of autonomy, which has been eroded over the years. And this attack only adds to their sense of alienation.
Whatever be the response India opts to take, this is something we cannot overlook
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Produced by Megha Mukundan, edited by Nikhil Sekhar, script and research by Pooja Prasanna and Lakshmi Priya