Tamil Nadu

AIADMK's slow burn: From MGR's colossus to a party fighting for third place

To understand how the AIADMK arrived here, one must go back nearly four decades — to a funeral, a succession battle, and the slow unravelling of what was once one of India’s most dominant regional political machines.

Written by : Azeefa Fathima
Edited by : Lakshmi Priya

When counting concluded on Monday, May 4, the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) was left surveying an electoral landscape almost unrecognisable from its days of dominance. With 47 wins, the party that once commanded 136 seats under J Jayalalithaa now finds itself a distant third in Tamil Nadu's new three-party order — behind Vijay's debut Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) and the incumbent DMK.

The arc of collapse is best understood through the raw seat count across three elections.

In 2016, the AIADMK under J Jayalalithaa made history, winning 136 seats and becoming the first ruling party in Tamil Nadu since 1984 to be re-elected. Five years later, without her, the reckoning arrived. The DMK returned to power after a decade, while the AIADMK finished second with 66 seats and a 33.29% vote share. In the 2021 Assembly elections, the DMK-led alliance won 159 seats, while the AIADMK alliance secured 75, taking on the role of the principal opposition. In 2026, squeezed between a debutant challenger and a resurgent DMK, its tally has fallen further.

To understand how the party arrived here, one must go back nearly four decades — to a funeral, a succession battle between two leading ladies, and the slow unravelling of what was once one of India’s most dominant regional political machines.

The house that MGR built and what followed

The AIADMK was, at its foundation, a personality cult. MG Ramachandran (MGR) — actor, populist, and Chief Minister — founded it in 1972 after breaking from the DMK, and built it into a statewide force through sheer personal charisma. The party won the 1977 Assembly election with its allies, and MGR became Chief Minister.

But the problem with personality cult is what happens when the personality dies. The battle to take control over the AIADMK commenced no sooner than December 24, 1987 — the day MGR died. The party split into two factions: one pledged loyalty to MGR's legal wife Janaki, and the other to Jayalalithaa.

The succession battle was fierce and public. In the 1989 Assembly election, both factions contested with their own symbols and alliances, leading to the DMK regaining power after 13 years. The Jayalalithaa and Janaki factions won only 27 and two seats, respectively. Humbled but not broken, the factions reunited under Jayalalithaa, and within two years, in 1991, she became Tamil Nadu’s youngest Chief Minister.

The AIADMK had survived its first succession crisis. The lesson was clear: without a commanding leader, the party falls apart. It was a lesson that would need to be learned again, and more painfully, in 2016.

The Amma years

Under Jayalalithaa, the AIADMK reached its zenith. She led the party from 1988 until her death in December 2016, serving six terms as Chief Minister and earning the moniker “Amma”, mother, from party cadres.

Her greatest electoral moment came in 2016, when she defied anti-incumbency to win a second consecutive term, securing 136 seats. Six months later, she was gone.

At the age of 68, on December 5, 2016, Jayalalithaa died of cardiac arrest in Chennai. She was succeeded by her Finance Minister, O Panneerselvam (OPS).

The chaos after Amma

Jayalalithaa's death immediately triggered the very crisis the party had faced after MGR — a vacuum at the top, and multiple claimants rushing to fill it.

On December 31, 2016, VK Sasikala, her long-time aide, was appointed as the party’s General Secretary. On February 7, 2017, after meditating at Jayalalithaa’s memorial, Panneerselvam publicly stated that he had been compelled to resign by Sasikala and announced his decision to challenge her leadership. 

Sasikala expelled him from the party, calling him a traitor. The AIADMK, once again, split into two factions — one led by OPS and the other by Sasikala.

Sasikala's bid to become Chief Minister ended on February 14, 2017, when the Supreme Court upheld her trial court conviction in the disproportionate assets case, sentencing her to four years in prison. Before going to jail, she appointed Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS) as the leader of the legislative party.

For several months since, OPS and EPS fought openly for control of the party, its symbol, and Jayalalithaa's legacy.

The handshake, and then the expulsion

In August 2017, the two factions reunited in what the party hoped would mark a new beginning. As TNM reported at the time: “No one can separate us. We are fulfilling the dreams of crores of cadres,” OPS declared at the party headquarters. “Those hoping to split the party will be heartbroken,” said EPS. OPS became Coordinator, and EPS Joint Coordinator. The truce lasted less than five years.

By 2022, it was clear that the merger had been one of convenience rather than trust. On July 11, 2022, at a General Council Meeting led by EPS, the party passed a resolution to remove OPS from primary membership. Ahead of the verdict, clashes broke out between supporters of both factions near the party headquarters, with stone-pelting, and both sides burning effigies and banners.

The courts ultimately backed Palaniswami. On February 23, 2023, the Supreme Court upheld the General Council’s decisions and dismissed Panneerselvam's petition, affirming unitary leadership under EPS.

OPS was now out in the cold — and the courtroom battles, public clashes, and expulsions all played out in full view of Tamil Nadu's electorate for five years.

In 2021, the AIADMK had at least retained relevance as the main opposition. In 2026, even that has slipped, with TVK’s emergence disrupting Tamil Nadu’s long-standing DMK–AIADMK binary.

The one bright spot: Edappadi holds his fort

Amid the broader decline, one number stands out. EPS retained his Edappadi constituency with a margin of 98,110 votes, polling 1,48,933 votes polled. It is the largest winning margin for any AIADMK candidate in 2026 by a considerable distance.

His lead crossed 41,000 votes as early as the 11th round. Palaniswami conceded the broader verdict, saying, “We will soon recover from this setback.”

The Kongu belt holds

ECI data confirms the Dharmapuri–Krishnagiri–Salem corridor as the AIADMK's strongest pocket. KP Anbalagan won Palacodu by 39,042 votes; Maragatham Vetrivel secured Pappireddipatti by 33,114; Ramachandran S won Kilpennathur by 30,465. 

Even as the broader map shifts, the Kongu heartland remains AIADMK territory.

The defections that bled the party

The 2026 outcome did not emerge overnight. A series of defections weakened the party steadily.

KA Sengottaiyan was expelled in October 2025 and resigned his seat a month later. Manoj Pandian resigned in November and joined the DMK, with Vaithilingam following suit in January 2026. On February 27, 2026, Panneerselvam and Ayyappan also resigned and joined the DMK.

OPS, the man who once wept at Jayalalithaa's memorial, who stood beside EPS declaring “no one can separate us,” ultimately exited the AIADMK for the DMK.

If the trends hold, this points to a fundamental reshaping of Tamil Nadu politics. EPS returns to the Assembly with his largest-ever personal margin, but he leads a party that is now third in numerical strength, in a legislature reshaped by a powerful new entrant.

The AIADMK has survived succession crises before. It survived the loss of MGR. It survived the loss of Jayalalithaa. Whether it can survive the loss of its status as one of Tamil Nadu's two dominant poles will define the next five years.